Contributed By: Beverly M. Griffor
Linguists believe that, although some languages seem to differ radically from other languages, in their essential form all human languages are remarkably similar to one another (Chomsky, 1981; Croft, 1990). It has been posited that children are born knowing the restrains and rules which support the development and use of all language and then use these mechanisms to understand and manipulate their language (Stromswold, 2000).
It is believed by many that children simply acquire the local vocabulary and order of the constructs in that particular language in order to learn how to speak it and understand. In this way, children understand the overarching structures of the language in the same order, regardless of the language which they are learning (Chomsky, 1981). This idea is supported by the generally uniform way language (words in particular) tends to appear in children. The first word as reference acquisition tends to occur between 9 and15 months, after which one to two new words are learned per months. After that, a period of rapid language acquisition occurs after the child has gained a vocabulary of approximately 50 words (Stromswold, 2000).
It is during this time that children begin to learn syntax and other construction rules, such as subject-verb order and verb tense rules. They also appear to intuitively understand the difference between auxiliary and standard verbs, as well as subject and object sentence formation. Children also seem to grasp parts of speech and auxiliary verbs in the same approximate order as other children speaking the same language (Stromswold, 2000). While this development seems to be relatively universal, the landmarks can be delayed by lack of exposure to language (Croft, 1990).
Children’s development of auxiliary verb usage and morphological syntax are developed commonly within each language group. The development of these language phenomenon seems to be based on the underlying structural organization of the language. Languages with complex morphological patterns tend to develop in different orders than languages without a complex morphological structure (Stromswold, 2002; Bloom, 1990). Less complex languages tend to produce two-word phrases sooner than their counterparts in more complex languages, as the morphones are more easily acquired. The language develops in the same order in these children, moderated by the language complexity and syntax regulatory standards in the language, as does the development of auxiliary verb usage (Stromswold, 2002; Bloom, 1990).
There are also hints of universality in the errors that children make in language and the way parents respond to them. While parents tend to correct errors in their children’s speech when the error affects the meaning of the spoken phrase, but typically do not tend to correct the grammar of their children. When they do choose to correct the grammar of the child, the child often does not appreciate or understand the correction (Stromswold, 2000). The idea that children are able to learn the grammatical rules of their language without constant correction supports the notion that these are universal development. This effect appears to be universal across languages.
References
Bloom, P, (1990). Syntactic distinctions in child language. Journal of Child Language. 17, 343-355.
Chomsky, N., (1981). Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht, Holland: Foris.
Croft, W. (1990). Typology and Universals. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Stromswold, K. (2000). The cognitive neuroscience of language acquisition. The new cognitive neurosciences, 2, 909-932.
Linguists believe that, although some languages seem to differ radically from other languages, in their essential form all human languages are remarkably similar to one another (Chomsky, 1981; Croft, 1990). It has been posited that children are born knowing the restrains and rules which support the development and use of all language and then use these mechanisms to understand and manipulate their language (Stromswold, 2000).
It is believed by many that children simply acquire the local vocabulary and order of the constructs in that particular language in order to learn how to speak it and understand. In this way, children understand the overarching structures of the language in the same order, regardless of the language which they are learning (Chomsky, 1981). This idea is supported by the generally uniform way language (words in particular) tends to appear in children. The first word as reference acquisition tends to occur between 9 and15 months, after which one to two new words are learned per months. After that, a period of rapid language acquisition occurs after the child has gained a vocabulary of approximately 50 words (Stromswold, 2000).
It is during this time that children begin to learn syntax and other construction rules, such as subject-verb order and verb tense rules. They also appear to intuitively understand the difference between auxiliary and standard verbs, as well as subject and object sentence formation. Children also seem to grasp parts of speech and auxiliary verbs in the same approximate order as other children speaking the same language (Stromswold, 2000). While this development seems to be relatively universal, the landmarks can be delayed by lack of exposure to language (Croft, 1990).
Children’s development of auxiliary verb usage and morphological syntax are developed commonly within each language group. The development of these language phenomenon seems to be based on the underlying structural organization of the language. Languages with complex morphological patterns tend to develop in different orders than languages without a complex morphological structure (Stromswold, 2002; Bloom, 1990). Less complex languages tend to produce two-word phrases sooner than their counterparts in more complex languages, as the morphones are more easily acquired. The language develops in the same order in these children, moderated by the language complexity and syntax regulatory standards in the language, as does the development of auxiliary verb usage (Stromswold, 2002; Bloom, 1990).
There are also hints of universality in the errors that children make in language and the way parents respond to them. While parents tend to correct errors in their children’s speech when the error affects the meaning of the spoken phrase, but typically do not tend to correct the grammar of their children. When they do choose to correct the grammar of the child, the child often does not appreciate or understand the correction (Stromswold, 2000). The idea that children are able to learn the grammatical rules of their language without constant correction supports the notion that these are universal development. This effect appears to be universal across languages.
References
Bloom, P, (1990). Syntactic distinctions in child language. Journal of Child Language. 17, 343-355.
Chomsky, N., (1981). Lectures on Government and Binding. Dordrecht, Holland: Foris.
Croft, W. (1990). Typology and Universals. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Stromswold, K. (2000). The cognitive neuroscience of language acquisition. The new cognitive neurosciences, 2, 909-932.
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